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We expect Vice President Kamala Harris to depart from her 2020 stance and move towards the centre. She is likely to preserve the Biden administration’s most important climate legacy, emphasising a more efficient implementation of the IRA. Harris would want to strengthen environmental regulation but her ability to do so would be constrained.
Since Vice President Kamala Harris replaced Joe Biden as the Democrat Party presidential candidate, she has been strategically silent about her energy and climate policy platform. Her campaign for the 2020 presidential election indeed outlined an aggressive vision, where she proposed to spend $10 trillion to decarbonise the US economy, establish a carbon tax, and ban fracking. But this time around, her ambiguity on climate policy so far is signalling a departure from her 2020 stance and a move toward the centre.
Harris may face mounting pressure to lay out a more detailed energy and climate policy platform as we head to the elections, but either way, we would expect Harris to preserve the Biden administration’s most important climate legacy – the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA).
Based on these two laws, she may propose to expand clean energy spending and put a stronger emphasis on certain aspects, such as environmental justice and affordable energy. She is also likely to toughen environmental regulations, such as on vehicles and oil and gas. But those regulations run a high risk of being struck down now that the Supreme Court has overturned the Chevron Doctrine and shifted much of government agencies’ power to the judiciary branch.
Harris would need to carefully handle the delicate balancing act among energy transition, energy security, and market stability. This will remain difficult given the exacerbated political polarisation, increased cost of living, as well as the US’s role as the world’s largest oil and gas exporter. Thus, as discussed before, we would not expect Harris to take an extreme approach toward the oil and gas industry – in fact, she has already indicated that she no longer supports a fracking ban.
US oil output would likely continue to hit record highs regardless of who is in the White House as we have seen over the last few presidencies. We would also likely see caution from Harris on new LNG export licensing bans, as the January ban has already been overturned by a federal judge and would similarly be struck down by the Supreme Court.
Instead, a Harris administration might try to implement policies asking oil and gas companies to pay more royalties for drilling on federal lands or toughening the rule of fee collection over methane emissions. Harris might even try to reduce current subsidies to oil and gas companies – as newly indicated on the Democrat Party’s policy website. However, this latter policy may prove to be difficult to implement because of the stubborn existing system and the strong lobbying power of the oil and gas industry, especially if the Democrat Party does not control Congress.
The IRA will not go away, because even if Congress somehow succeeded in voting to repeal the act, the decision would be vetoed by Harris. Nevertheless, the Democrats may need to make compromises on certain IRA provisions. The compromises may be done by cutting certain clean incentives such as for electric vehicles (EVs), making more clean fossil fuel power plants eligible for clean power tax credits, and favouring blue hydrogen over green hydrogen, among others. Additionally, more compromises might be necessary if the deficit issue in the US becomes more severe.
In any case, we expect the Harris administration to work on an even better implementation of the IRA. Harris’ Vice President pick of Governor of Minnesota Tim Walz has signed into law various legislation to help the state tap into the clean energy funding of the IRA and reduce emissions. While not easy to replicate at the national level, the Harris administration can leverage Walz’s experience to work with federal agencies and ensure more efficient flows of funding to states.
If Democrats do not control Congress, the US EV policy would remain vulnerable, even with Harris winning the White House. Harris would want to support the EV industry even more, but any EV provisions under the IRA – tax credits, charging network funding – would be first in line to be sacrificed for a compromise. Nevertheless, we can still expect the Harris administration to push for educational programmes and work with car manufacturers to upskill the industry’s workforce and promote the adoption of EVs.
Hybrid electric vehicle without plug: HEV, battery electric vehicle: BEV, plug-in hybrid electric vehicle: PHEV
Supportive policies on renewable power would stay largely intact with possible additional efforts to reform the transmission lines and shorten permitting timelines. The renewable industry in the US would continue to develop steadily, further driving down the cost of production.
The hydrogen and CCS tax credits have the highest chances of staying among all incentives provided under the IRA. However, without Democratic control of Congress, we would still see pressure to make the tax credit eligibility requirements looser for both hydrogen and CCS. And since the Department of Energy's LPO’s funding does not differentiate among technologies, it is likely to be cut in this scenario, too. Efforts from corporates to develop pipelines will continue, though support from the government will not be high.
Onshoring key technologies (such as batteries) and securing the critical mineral supply chain would also be a priority for Harris. But as opposed to Trump’s comprehensive tariff proposal, Harris might target tariff hikes on strategic goods, including batteries, graphite, and permanent magnets, among others, with existing/further exemptions or delays in implementation.
Harris may put a strong emphasis on strengthening environmental regulation to push the US to a cleaner economy faster. But there is a strong resistance force – the Supreme Court.
In recent years, the conservative Supreme Court has made several decisions limiting the EPA’s regulatory power. In 2022, it ruled that the EPA does not have the authority to limit emissions from power plants by taking a broad view of the Clean Air Act (CAA) and forcing them to switch from one source of generation to another. Power plants must instead be regulated based on the best system of emissions reduction (BSER) method authorised under the CAA.
In June this year, the Supreme Court overturned the 40-year-old “Chevron doctrine” under which lower courts needed to defer to federal agencies to implement legislation that was ambiguous in interpretation. Moreover, the Supreme Court recently temporarily blocked the EPA’s “Good Neighbour” rule to regulate power plant nitrogen oxide emissions from upwind states.
These decisions have shifted more power of interpreting federal law from the executive branch to the judiciary branch. This means that despite Harris’ will, the EPA’s newly finalised vehicle tailpipe emissions rule, its new regulations on coal and gas power plants (following the 2022 Supreme Court guidance on using BSER), and any new regulations could all be at risk. Consequently, the US may need to rely even more on carrots than sticks to drive the energy transition.
A Harris administration would advance climate leadership through continued engagement in the United Nations Conference of the Parties on climate change. But the US’s climate credibility may be hard to enhance given its lack of a comprehensive climate policy ecosystem, its lagging progress in mandating sustainability disclosure, as well as potential clean energy funding pullbacks.
The broader market isn’t reflecting Ethereum’s true value, which could be fixed with refined messaging to entice Wall Street investors to snap up spot Ether exchange-traded funds (ETFs), say executives from institutional staking firm Attestant.
Attestant’s chief business officer Steve Berryman and strategic adviser Tim Lowe told Cointelegraph they remain bullish on Ether (ETH) despite the low appetite for the United States ETFs and complaints of “underperformance” in the price action of ETH itself.
But, they’ve set their sights on several crucial developments, including better marketing, diversification, and tokenomics, that could spark renewed appetite for the asset on a longer time horizon.
Bitcoin (BTC) currently dominates the mindshare of digital assets for institutional investors. With a simple value proposition of being “digital gold” — it hasn’t been hard to sell it to the suits on Wall Street, said Lowe.
However, Lowe believes Ethereum can easily nab some of this mindshare through a mix of refined marketing and a more unified value proposition which will see it naturally accrue value from institutional investors that choose to diversify into the asset over time.
“I think the number one, simple catalyst for Ethereum is diversification. In traditional finance, almost everyone wants to have a more diversified portfolio,” Lowe said. “We know digital assets are becoming an investable asset class for traditional investors, so it’s an easy step to say, okay, we should diversify.”
“How do you diversify? The next step is into ETH.”
But diversification can only come about if Ethereum is made more simple for non-crypto natives to wrap their heads around.
“Is it an app store? Is it a blockchain-based internet, or is it ‘digital oil’?” asked Lowe.
“At the moment Ethereum is only really going to be interesting to people that are interested — a lot of people buying Bitcoin ETFs are just looking at a digital asset that performs very well,” Lowe added.
“But eventually, we’ll see more refined messaging where ETH will permeate its way into the wider consciousness,” he said.
US Ether ETFs have continued to fall short of market expectations after launching in July, with ETF analyst Eric Balchunas correctly predicting a “small potatoes” debut for the funds relative to Bitcoin ETFs.
The nine Ether ETFs have together seen a net outflow of $564 million since launch and on Sept. 10, they broke an eight-trading day streak where the funds saw no net positive inflows.
Staking is another major selling point for Ethereum on a longer-term horizon says Berryman, which would allow Ether ETF investors to earn about 4% a year by owning ETH through a fund.
Several fund managers, including BlackRock, Fidelity, and Franklin Templeton, tried to get regulatory approval to include staking in their ETFs but were rejected by the SEC.
Berryman said the exclusion of staking was a necessary sacrifice for funds to make at the time but added it would be an ideal scenario for Ethereum to see it introduced in the future.
“It makes a lot of sense to introduce staking at some point. If you’re going to hold Ethereum, then why wouldn’t you also stake it?”
Aside from concerns that staking may regulated under US securities laws, Berryman said one of the biggest challenges for ETF issuers looking to offer staking was issues with liquidity, particularly in the short term. “With these ETFs, you need to be able to get in and out quickly and there’s not a finite staking period. If there’s a long queue, then it can take a long time,” he said.
Staked ETH can take days to be withdrawn — a problem for issuers who are required to quickly redeem shares for the underlying asset on request.
Even if staking is never an option, the issuance schedule of Ethereum itself is reason enough to gain exposure to ETH, added Lowe.
While many view Bitcoin as a “harder” asset than Ethereum, due to the capped supply of 21 million BTC, Lowe said Ethereum actually boasts a superior economic model for investors who are attracted to scarcity.
“When you pay ETH for gas, you’re actually taking it out of circulation, which Bitcoin doesn’t have,” he said.
“It’s not going to miners to be sold. It’s being destroyed and reducing the circulating supply.”
The continued halving of Bitcoin’s block reward every four years introduces significant sustainability issues in the long term, Lowe said, something that Ethereum’s development model allows it to avoid.
“In terms of pure numbers, there’s less Ethereum issued each year than Bitcoin,” said Lowe, which he said is a far more attractive prospect for value-driven investors in the long haul.
The United States Securities and Exchange Commission has seemingly “dug in” on its stance on a rule that would curtail crypto custody services for regulated financial firms.
In a Sept. 9 address to a banking conference, SEC chief accountant Paul Munter discussed the agency’s regulatory stance on accounting for crypto assets, focusing on SEC Staff Accounting Bulletin No. 121 (SAB 121) and its applications.
“The [SEC] staff’s views in SAB 121 remain unchanged,” he said.
“Absent particular mitigating facts and circumstances, the staff believes an entity should record a liability on its balance sheet to reflect its obligation to safeguard crypto-assets held for others,” Munter added.
ETF Store President Nate Geraci said in a Sept. 10 X post that the SEC “appears dug in” on SAB 121.
“They simply don’t want to provide regulated financial institutions with the ability to custody crypto,” he added.
The SEC introduced SAB 121 in March 2022, outlining its accounting guidelines for institutions looking to custody crypto assets.
The rule was divisive in political circles as it virtually prevented banks and regulated financial institutions from custodying crypto assets on behalf of clients.
The SEC believes that entities with such safeguarding arrangements should record a liability on their balance sheets for digital assets.
Munter said the SEC had reviewed various accounting scenarios involving blockchain and crypto assets and acknowledged that not all arrangements fit the proposed guidelines set out in SAB 121.
Bank holding companies that safeguard crypto with bankruptcy protection may not need to record a liability on their balance sheets, he said.
Additionally, “broker-dealers” that facilitate crypto transactions but do control the cryptographic keys may also not be required to record liabilities.
Meanwhile, SEC Commissioner Hester Peirce, who has been vocally against the rule, said on X she continued “to be concerned about the SAB 121 substance and process.”
The US House of Representatives voted to overturn controversial SEC guidance in May. However, President Biden vetoed the repeal the following month.
Intel is one of the most famous semiconductor chip producers. Founded in 1968, it was the legendary chip foundry that had its “Intel Inside” almost every personal computer and server in the 1980s and 1990s. But its success in that sector missed the rise of DRAM (dynamic random access memory) and NAND (NOT-AND logic circuit) flash memory chips, today dominated by South Korean chipmakers; GPU (graphics processing unit) chips led by Nvidia; and ARM (Advanced RISC Machine) reduced instruction set computer architecture chips used widely in mobile phones.
In other words, while Intel reaped the benefits of dominating general purpose chips, it missed the rise of specialised chips used in gaming machines, mobile phones (such as the M1 chip used by Apple) and crypto-asset mining computing equipment, as well as the artificial intelligence (AI) chips used in big data processing centres. Its asset-heavy vertically integrated foundry fab model has been challenged by asset-light but design-intensive (fabless) chip companies such as Qualcomm, AMD and Nvidia, which rely on specialist makers such as Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) to do high-quality fabrication.
Intel’s legendary co-founder Gordon Moore coined Moore’s Law, which predicted that the number of transistors in integrated circuits (ICs) would double every two years, generating speed, scale and scope in computer processing capacity. Meanwhile, co-founder Andy Grove was the ruthlessly focused engineer and corporate captain who drove research and development (R&D), production efficiency and product branding, particularly the famous 86-series chip.
Intel was the darling of the tech market in the run-up to the Nasdaq boom of 2000. Thereafter, the company was led by marketing and financial engineers who slowly lost focus on how to evolve chip design and production in a situation where the design and manufacturing of smaller, faster and energy-efficient chips were costing more and more. Consulting firm McKinsey estimated that the design cost of bringing a 65nm (nanometer) chip to production in 2006 was US$28 million, whereas this rose to US$540 million for a 3nm chip by 2020. The cost of each advanced ASML lithography machine essential to producing such advanced chips is now more than US$378 million (RM1.6 billion) each. The financial cost of capital and capacity expansion rise with each new generation of chips, making it tough not to keep investing for the long term, but companies must do so at the right cycle.
Intel became the top chipmaker because for half a century, US companies like Intel, Motorola and Texas Instruments (TI) were vertically integrated as they designed, manufactured and marketed their own chips. In the 1980s, Motorola and TI were much bigger than Intel, but they were more conservative in R&D.
As the cost of R&D rose, from 2019 to 2023, Intel spent US$101 billion on increasing plant and equipment (P&E) capacity and US$75 billion on R&D. But it also lavished shareholders with US$30 billion in stock buybacks and US$25 billion in cash dividends, which together absorbed 79% of its net income. Intel’s distribution to shareholders has been far greater than that of TSMC and Samsung, which distributed 67% and 38% respectively over the same period.
Despite the vast sums that Intel had aggressively indulged on its shareholders, it consistently allocated 30% of its revenue to P&E and 22% to R&D. The other major global integrated device manufacturer (IDM), Samsung, had a big gap of 13% between P&E and R&D compared to Intel. In contrast, TSMC, which is a pure foundry that manufactures to client needs (such as Apple), has allocated a significant 45% of its revenue to capital expenditure while its spending on R&D remains low at 8%. In other words, TSMC lets its clients focus on R&D while it focuses on production excellence. But being involved in different chip sectors, the broad skills and knowledge intensity of its engineers are impressive.
During the pandemic, even though Intel made huge allocations to catch up with its competitors, its financial performance began to weaken when its net income declined more than 50% after 2021. To maintain its share price, the company generously provided a dividend payout to shareholders averaging 129% of net income between 2022 and 2023. At the same time, Intel increased borrowing, bringing its total debt to around US$45 billion. For a financial analyst, this looked more like financial engineering to produce profits through leverage, rather than paying attention to real excellence and cutting edge engineering.
Despite getting more than US$8 billion from the US government under the CHIPS Act to help onshore chip manufacturing return to the US, Intel is beginning to experience both financial and operational headwinds.
On Aug 1, the company announced 15,000 job cuts and suspended dividends. The market reacted harshly after it released its 2Q2024 earnings report, resulting in around US$30 billion being wiped off its market cap. Market rumours swirled after Lip Bu Tan — a former CEO of Cadence Design Systems, which produces cutting-edge software tools to design advanced chips — resigned from Intel’s board, with unconfirmed disagreements on the company’s strategic direction.
Intel’s 2Q2024 earnings report showed that operating losses had increased by US$948 million compared to last year. Key factors contributing to the huge losses included the higher cost of producing smaller processors such as Meteor Lake, and increased construction charges on new AI fabs in the US and supporting facilities around the world. Our calculations of economic-value-added based on Intel’s financial accounts suggest that value-added declined to negative-value-added of US$11.5 billion from the previous year.
Intel has shown the classic strategic choice for market leaders, which is to keep milking profits from legacy winners but lose focus on keeping the R&D edge over strong competitors like AMD, Nvidia and Qualcomm, which offer comparable AI chips with better performance or price. If you do not cut out the fat earlier with short-term impact on quarterly profits, the market will punish you when you take belated action. TSMC today has eight times the market cap of Intel.
Beleaguered CEO Pat Gelsinger has called in Wall Street advisers like Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley to advise Intel on how to move forward. Can financial engineers fix real engineering strategic issues, other than to temporarily calm impatient investors? There are options such as spinning off subsidiaries like Altera or splitting the company into different listed companies. The risk is that Intel, which has a total market cap of less than one-tenth of that of any of the Magnificent Seven tech giants, will be bought up as their manufacturing arm.
As Grove used to say, only the paranoid survive. The question is whether the present Intel leadership is paranoid enough to survive that cruellest of market tests.
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