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The US energy transition is expected to slow down due to weakened regulation and funding support. However, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) is likely to survive because of its job creation and economic benefits. Nonetheless, without a comprehensive climate policy ecosystem, the US green agenda may become obscured.
Under a second term for Trump – even without Republican control of Congress – the speed of decarbonisation in the US will slow down due to weakened energy and environmental regulation, clean energy funding support, and international climate leadership. Nevertheless, the IRA is likely to survive given the economic benefits it can create. Still, without a comprehensive climate policy ecosystem, the US green agenda may become obscured.
We could witness reinforced US energy dominance through increased oil and gas production and exports. This includes promoting LNG production, contrary to Biden’s moratorium on licensing new LNG exports, which was recently halted by a federal judge. It also involves cancelling methane regulations and streamlining the authorisation process for new oil and gas exploration and infrastructure projects.
The IRA is unlikely to be completely repealed. Only Congress can vote to repeal the IRA – or indeed any legislation – and this would be hard to achieve under a split or Democrat-controlled Congress. Plus, Republican states have been huge beneficiaries of the IRA, with about 80% of announced investment in clean energy flowing into Republication congressional districts and creating green jobs.
The legislation has also gained popularity among corporations and investors, and they would be reluctant to see the financial incentives go. Think about Obamacare: Trump was keen to strike it down as president, but Congress was not able to repeal it as the law gradually became more popular thanks to the public buy-in of its benefits.
However, the implementation of the IRA will become harder. The qualifying rules for certain tax credits could become stricter, especially around using domestically produced content for clean energy manufacturing. There would be little focus on equipping government staff with the know-how to review clean energy funding applications. As a result, we could see longer application timelines slowing down project development.
Moreover, while the IRA itself is likely to survive, as much as 30% of the energy and climate-related funding under the IRA is at various degrees of risk of being scaled back. Several tax credits, especially the consumer electric vehicle (EV) tax credits that have an initial spending estimate of $12bn, can be rolled back. The $100bn non-tax credit funding, including loans and loan guarantees from the Department of Energy’s (DOE’s) Loan Programs Office (LPO), as well as dedicated grants toward environmental justice, may also be lowered, if not stalled. The DOE has committed about $30bn of clean energy loans and loan guarantees to companies, but has only started lending around $6.5bn.
The tax credits that are likely to remain unchanged include those for carbon capture and storage (CCS), hydrogen, renewable power, nuclear, and manufacturing, among others (this will be further analysed in the following sections). It is worth noting, however, that since the tax credits under the IRA are non-capped, the actual spending can be a lot higher, potentially adding more pressure to fiscal sustainability and hence spending compromises.
The EV industry has been a punching bag of Trump’s campaign, with his team declaring on the Republican policy platform to reverse Biden’s EV policy and scrap the nationwide EV production and sales targets.
As such, EV tax credits are highly likely to be scaled back. Plus, these tax credits are consumer-based, not manufacturer-based, and may be repealed more easily with softer business pushback. This can be done through tightening tax credit eligibility guidelines. It can also be done by putting a cap on the number of EVs allowed to receive EV tax credits.
Moreover, the funding for developing the National Electric Vehicle Infrastructure (NEVI) programme under the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) will likely be lowered because of the unpopularity of EVs among Republicans and the slow speed of funding being distributed to projects.
Lastly, the Environmental Protection Agency‘s (EPA’s) strictest-ever proposed rule on vehicle emissions standards, aimed at boosting EV demand, is also likely to be reversed, even though car manufacturers may have already made investment decisions to reduce tailpipe emissions.
Car manufacturers remain committed to electrifying their fleet, despite some recent delay in EV production targets. However, a lack of direct EV support, especially from the infrastructure side, would mean a slower deployment rate overall.
The centrepiece policies that have led to massive development in renewable technologies and project finance are the renewable power Production Tax Credits (PTCs) and Investment Tax Credits (ITCs). Enacted in 1992 and 2005, respectively, the PTCs and ITCs have been extended under the IRA until 2032, but starting in 2025, these credits will become "technology-neutral" as long as a project can demonstrate it has zero or negative emissions.
This means that a wider range of technologies – including solar, wind, hydropower, geothermal, marine, nuclear, and waste energy recovery – will become eligible. Notably, combustion and gasification (C&G) facilities can also potentially qualify for the credits. The technology-neutral tax credits are set to start phasing out after 2032, or when emissions from the US power sector have dropped to below 25% of 2022’s emissions level, whichever comes later.
The technology-neutral tax credits will likely survive if Trump wins but Republicans fail to control Congress. This is because even under the first Trump administration, the technology-specific ITCs and PTCs were not repealed and solar and wind continued to develop steadily. Furthermore, the expansion of eligibility under the technology-neutral tax credits can benefit non-renewable zero-emission projects, a provision that may be welcomed by Republicans.
These positive spins do not mean that the industry will get sufficient support to accelerate clean power development. We would expect less effort to re-train government staff, build transmission lines, or reform the grid. There could also be more gas-fired power plants approved to support increasing electricity demand.
Hydrogen (especially blue hydrogen) and carbon capture and storage (CCS) will gain continued support, as these technologies can provide business opportunities to oil and gas companies and heavier industries. Hydrogen and CCS hubs would continue to develop in this case, with permitting reforms potentially improving the regulatory conditions for CCS project development. A potential downside risk is that any cuts in the DOE’s Loan Program Office’s (LPO’s) loans or loan guarantees would affect the funding for these projects.
For Trump, onshoring manufacturing and protecting key sectors would be a priority. This means enhanced protectionist efforts such as import tariffs in favour of batteries and critical minerals. Trump is now proposing to impose a 10% tariff on all goods and a 60% tariff on all Chinese goods.
Less competition in the US could strengthen domestic clean energy supply chains, but questions remain as to how fast they can be built up. China’s absolute dominance in critical minerals means that the US may face sourcing challenges and need to accelerate partnerships with other suppliers. Thus, the US could in the short to medium term bear higher costs in the energy transition.
There would be substantial rollbacks of punitive regulations that limit dirty economic activities. For instance, there could be cancellations on Biden’s effort to charge a fee on methane emissions from the oil and gas industry. The EPA’s rule on vehicle emissions standards is also likely to be reversed.
The EPA’s newly finalised regulation to reduce emissions from coal and gas-fired power plants in the 2030s unless they can demonstrate deep emissions reduction is also at a high risk of being overturned.
Regardless of which party controls Congress under a second Trump administration, we would see the US retreat from international climate leadership. This features a second withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, withdrawal from potential commitments such as a recent one (under discussion) to the UN Treaty to End Plastic Pollution, stalled or even cancelled efforts to mandate climate data disclosure, and less clean energy technology innovation, among others.
In the second quarter of 2024 (2Q2024), Malaysia's retail sales decelerated to 0.6%, falling short of market expectations, according to Retail Group Malaysia (RGM).
In June, members of the Malaysia Retailers Association (MRA) and Malaysia Retail Chain Association (MRCA) projected a growth rate of 1.7%, making the actual result 65% below the estimate.
Despite an attractive ringgit and visa-free entry for tourists from China and India, which boosted foreign tourist numbers, festive sales during Hari Raya Aidilfitri, celebrated from April 10, did not meet expectations.
"Retail prices continued to rise during 2Q2024. Malaysian consumers needed to manage their monthly expenses carefully in order to maintain their lifestyles.
"The never-ending Israel-Palestine conflict had affected businesses of certain international retail brands," said RGM in its most recent report.
Overall, the Malaysian retail industry grew by 4.6% in the first six months of 2024, compared to the same period in 2023.
Looking ahead, the majority of members of the MRA and MRCA are optimistic about the next three months. They estimate an average growth rate of 3.6% in retail sales for 3Q2024.
Department store operators predict a recovery with a growth rate of 7.3%, followed by supermarket operators with 5.8%.
Supermarket and hypermarket operators expect a moderate growth of 1.9%, while mini-markets, convenience stores and cooperatives foresee a 2.3% increase.
The fashion and fashion accessories sector is expected to remain vibrant with a growth rate of 7.4%. Retailers selling children's and baby products anticipate a 2.7% growth, whereas pharmacy operators expect a slowdown with a 1.2% increase.
Retailers in the personal care sub-sector are particularly optimistic, forecasting a 23.5% growth rate. However, operators of furniture, home improvement and electrical and electronics sectors are pessimistic, predicting a 1.9% contraction, marking the third consecutive quarter of decline.
Retailers in other specialty stores, including photo shops and online shopping platforms, expect a 2.6% improvement.
RGM maintained its 3.6% growth forecast for 2024, considering the softer market in 2Q2024, and higher estimates for 3Q2024.
The retail sector is anticipated to grow by 3.6% in 3Q2024, and 3.2% in 4Q2024.
Challenges such as rising living costs, increased service tax rates and floating diesel prices have reportedly impacted retail spending.
Meanwhile, the introduction of a new flexible account by the Employee Provident Fund and cash handouts under the Sumbangan Tunai Rahmah programme are said to have provided some relief.
The government's efforts to attract tourists have also reportedly benefited retail businesses, with significant increases in tourist arrivals from China and India.
Additionally, the Malaysian government will increase civil servant remuneration from Dec 1, which is expected to stimulate retail sales during the year-end holiday season.
The government targets 27.3 million tourists and RM102.7 billion in tourist receipts for 2024, further boosting the retail sector.
Kamala Harris may continue Biden’s policies, but adjustments are inevitable
Key challenges include rising global political shifts, nuclear issues and energy
Adversaries will try to test the boundaries of a new Democratic president
Even when successive presidents are from the same political party, such as the administrations of Ronald Reagan (1981-1989) and George Bush (1989-1993), American foreign policy contains elements of both continuity and change. If Kamala Harris succeeds Joe Biden as the president of the United States in January 2025, this will also likely be the case. Even though Ms. Harris and Mr. Biden agree on the fundamental directions for foreign and security policy, adjustments are inevitable. In part, this is because presidents have to respond to the turmoil of the geopolitical environment. But it is also because presidents select their own senior staff and cabinet, and new key officials lead to shifts in priorities.
In terms of advisors, leaders and ideas, the presidencies of Barack Obama (2009-2017) and Joe Biden (2021-2025) were strongly aligned. The basic principles of American liberal policy will no doubt also apply to a Harris administration.
Engagement: Bill Clinton was the Democratic party’s first post-Cold War president. Mr. Clinton (1993-2001) was known for his “engagement and enlargement” policy, which embraced internationalism and supported the expansion of democratic regimes that complied with international norms. Although former President Obama, President Biden and Vice President Harris also promote the expansion and defense of democracy, engagement focuses on de-escalating conflicts with adversarial regimes such as Russia, China and Iran, seeking compromise whenever possible. Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris, for example, consistently argue that China should and must be a partner in implementing the global green transition. They were also open to engagement with Iran, and sought to find common ground with Tehran on supporting the cause of a Palestinian state. Despite current confrontations with China, Russia and Iran, a Harris administration would likely look for opportunities to cooperate with all three.
Incrementalism: Mr. Obama, Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris all favor policies that call for the restrained use of force, and prefer non-military means to advance national interests. Their preference is to take an incrementalist approach and to use the minimum amount of coercion necessary to achieve desired outcomes. This was reflected, for instance, in the Biden administration’s measured efforts to deter Russia from attacking Ukraine, which began with a series of diplomatic measures and threats of economic sanction. The U.S. response only became more robust after it became clear that deterrence had failed.
Globalism and liberalism: Without question, Democratic leaders believe in a structural approach to foreign policy, which holds that establishing international norms and institutions is key to managing state behavior. They also believe in established practices such as traditional foreign aid as important instruments for international cooperation and global governance. For instance, the Biden-Harris administration remains committed to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) despite the spiraling controversies surrounding the agency since the outbreak of Palestinian violence on October 7 and the Israeli response.
Although the playbook of American liberal governance is well established, all presidents have to adapt to the reality on the ground. Here are the most significant challenges a Democratic president would face.
Rise of global conservativism: European populists and the growing strength of the center-right and conservatives in Europe is not a passing phase, but an increasingly important political force. President Harris would likely not be able to count on a preponderance of European voices sharing her liberal views toward foreign policy. The European Union will increasingly struggle to speak with one voice. The European landscape will look less and less like a place where the U.S. can rely on a “one-stop shop” to coordinate with Europe. This will also be true of the G7. President Harris would engage with leaders who are not like-minded on a range of issues, from migration to economic matters.
Nuclear policy: In the near term, the next U.S. president will face nuclear parity with Russia and China, and a possible nuclear breakout from Iran. The space competition is accelerating, and demands for missile defense will increase. Former President Obama entered office advocating for a “road to nuclear zero” and opposing nuclear modernization. The realities of nuclear competition and extended deterrence could force a Harris administration to completely abandon Democratic orthodoxies on this issue. In addition, the Biden strategy of “integrated” deterrence will likely prove completely inadequate and in need of revision.
Antisemitism and anti-Zionism: The tensions between support for the Palestinians and traditional Democratic support for combating antisemitism and anti-Zionism are creating enormous tensions within the Democratic party. How a Harris administration would address this challenge will greatly affect both future domestic politics and U.S. security and foreign policy.
Economy: The Biden-Harris policy of promoting growth through government spending and higher taxes could well be seen as completely unrealistic by 2025. After promising voters lower inflation and better conditions for the middle and working classes, Ms. Harris will find few traditional liberal policies that can deliver on this promise. Further, the Biden administration has imposed more tariffs and sanctions than the Trump administration and has not completed a single free trade agreement. This will make it difficult to champion free-market policies.
Climate and energy policy: No aspect of liberal governance has achieved a more definitive consensus than the commitment to a green transition agenda and net-zero goals. Yet, these policies are being increasingly questioned around the world, from developed countries with lagging growth to developing countries mired in energy poverty. The liberal orthodoxy might prove unsustainable. Ms. Harris has already claimed she no longer supports banning fracking.
Latin America and immigration: Nowhere has the Democratic policy of engagement and alignment failed more significantly than in Latin America, where the U.S. faces the expanding influence of China, Russia and Iran as well as international criminal and terrorist networks. The illegal population of the U.S. increased under the Biden-Harris administration, and human trafficking from Asia, the Middle East and Africa increased significantly. The chances of a future administration addressing the issue by having Congress approve a mass amnesty are near zero.
Africa: Africa is undergoing a demographic boom. Within decades Africa will have the youngest population in the world, adding an additional half billion people. Current U.S. policies that rely on traditional instruments and often press Africans to adopt liberal values regarding family, life and gender, are not adequately addressing Africa’s need for growth, security and political stability. A Harris administration would have to face the consequences of this shortcoming, among them dwindling U.S. influence in the region.
Iran: The current Democratic policy toward Iran appears unsustainable. In addition to failing to ameliorate U.S.-Iran relations, constrain Iran’s surrogates or stem the regime’s nuclear weapons program, several individuals among the Biden-Harris staff are currently accused of being sympathetic to or even working for Tehran. The case of Robert Malley, the suspended U.S. Special Representative for Iran, is only the most noteworthy.
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